Friday, December 20, 2024

Ocmulgee Mounds - a National Park?

The Wall St. Journal's annual "10 Best Places to Go" article for 2025 includes Ocmulgee Mounds near Macon, Georgia.

In 2025, Ocmulgee Mounds National Historic Park in Macon is likely to become Georgia’s first national park and the country’s 64th. The collection of excavated ceremonial mounds and fortresses stretch back over 12,000 years to the original Mississippian people who are thought to have arrived after the last Ice Age.

The park features a distinctive spiral mound, a restored Earth Lodge where tribal meetings once took place and a warren of woodsy trails. To honor its heritage, Macon will install bilingual street names in Muscogee and English.



https://www.wsj.com/lifestyle/travel/best-travel-destinations-vacation-2025-2d947023?st=joPDmP&reflink=desktopwebshare_permalink

The area has long been a National Historical Park (https://www.nps.gov/ocmu/index.htm), but making it a National Park will bring much needed attention to the ancient inhabitants of North America. The bill to make this a National Park is moving forward.

https://indianz.com/News/2024/12/12/native-america-calling-new-momentum-to-preserve-mounds/

Although the largest earthworks at Ocmulgee post-date Book of Mormon timeframes, the site has been continuously inhabited far longer. This map shows the location of Ocmulgee (red dot) in connection with the rest of one scenario for the setting of the Book of Mormon with Cumorah/Ramah in New York.

(click to enlarge)




Thursday, December 19, 2024

Moroni told Joseph about Cumorah

Back when Latter-day Saints were familiar with authentic Church history, they understood that Moroni identified the hill where the plates were deposited as the Hill Cumorah. 

We knew this from first-hand accounts by Lucy Mack Smith, Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, and others, including Joseph Smith, all found in our Seminary, Sunday School, and other manuals.

See https://www.mobom.org/church-history-issues.

This was before the M2C scholars at Scripture Central managed to have those references omitted from the current curriculum to accommodate their theory that (i) Joseph and Oliver misled everyone about the origin and setting of the Book of Mormon, and (ii) the "real Cumorah" is somewhere in southern Mexico. 

This is why, when Joseph Fielding Smith made the observation shown below, it was not in the lease controversial. But today, Scripture Central spends millions of dollars to persuade Latter-day Saints that Joseph Fielding Smith (and all the others) were wrong about Cumorah.

Fun times.

JOSEPH SMITH REQUIRED TO TRANSLATE BOOK OF MORMON. Then when Moroni came to Joseph Smith, he told him that in the hill Cumorah there were certain records of the ancient people of this land, and that he was going to turn them over to him. He had Joseph Smith call on him four times, at a certain time in September each year for four years, and there instructed him. That was a school for Joseph Smith. Then he turned the record over to Joseph Smith together with the Urim and Thummim, and told him to translate it.

https://archive.org/details/JFSDoctrinesOfSalvation/page/n121/mode/2up?q=Cumorah

_____

For a good example of how the M2Cers do this, see 

https://www.lettervii.com/2017/12/opening-heavens-but-censoring-history.html


Tuesday, December 10, 2024

Split personalities: interpretations of Oliver Cowdery

The pursuit of clarity, charity, and understanding leads through some fascinating terrain. One area is the thicket of sophistry that can be described as a form of intellectual schizophrenia or dissociative identity disorder.

In recent days on this blog we've looked at how Royal Skousen and Brant Gardner specifically reject what Oliver Cowdery taught, but they're not alone.

We respect our LDS scholars and charitably give them the benefit of the doubt as we try to understand their interpretations of history. We assume they're all acting in good faith. But we must start with clarity, and in this case, we can all see that certain prominent LDS scholars have a strangely inconsistent approach to the work of Oliver Cowdery. 

They have publicly praised Oliver for his "honorable character" and analytical acumen.

For example, as noted below, 

John W. (Jack) Welch, BYU J. Reuben Clark Law School professor, said, “We will all be better lawyers if we seek to emulate Oliver’s sensitivities and legal skills.”

He mentioned 10 of those skills, including accuracy, an understanding of authority, an acute and analytical mind, forensic (debate) skills, tolerance for the views of others, legal resourcefulness, his character as justice of the peace, his putting of family first in making difficult decisions, his sense of timing, and his knowledge of the importance of witnesses, affidavits, and testimony under oath.

That's the side of modern LDS scholars that respect and honor Oliver Cowdery.

But there is another side. These same scholars completely reject and repudiate Oliver's accuracy and honesty regarding what he taught about the origin and setting of the Book of Mormon.

In the pursuit of clarity, these scholars include M2C/SITH promoters such as Jack Welch, Dan Peterson, Royal Skousen, Brant Gardner, Scott Gordon, and their respective followers and organizations (the interlocking Scripture Central, Interpreter Foundation, and FAIRLDS). These are all awesome people, faithful Latter-day Saints whose scholarship we respect and honor to the extent it is faithful to the historical sources, but to whom we don't delegate our responsibility for our own gospel study.

In a sense, the dual nature of their approach is less puzzling when we look at the reasons for the dichotomous treatment in terms of a split personality.

- The personality that respects and honors Oliver Cowdery relies on a factual, rational assessment of the historical record, including Oliver's writings and the events in his life.

- The personality that rejects and repudiates what Oliver Cowdery taught relies on an emotional attachment to personal theories, beliefs and interpretations that contradict what Oliver taught.

For me, the factual, rational personality is far more useful than the emotional personality. But others can differ, and that's all fine.

Just so long as we're clear about which is which and we make all the relevant information available for people to make their own informed decisions.

_____

Below is an edited repost of a 2016 post on this blog. I'm posting it in preparation for a paper I'm going to post on Academia.edu about the strange inconsistency of the treatment of Oliver Cowdery by certain LDS scholars. 

Another preliminary element of the paper is available for comment here:

https://www.lettervii.com/p/back-when-jack-welch-thought-oliver-was.html

_____

Oliver Cowdery's sense of responsibility and Letter VII

The portrait of Oliver Cowdery
 hangs in the J. Reuben Clark
Law School Library.
People keep contacting me to say that Letter VII was just Oliver Cowdery's speculation about Cumorah. This is the position taken by the M2C scholars. 

Why? 

Solely because Oliver's Letter VII contradicts their Mesoamerican/two-Cumorahs (M2C) theory of Book of Mormon geography.

[If you're new to the blog, you can read Letter VII in Joseph Smith's own journal here, in the 1844 Liverpool pamphlet here, in the 1841 Gospel Reflector here, in the 1841 Times and Seasons here, in Orson Patt's 1840 missionary pamphlet here, and in the 1835 Messenger and Advocate here,]

As you can see from these citations, Letter VII and the New York Cumorah it describes were universally accepted and understood during Joseph Smith's lifetime.

People can believe whatever they want, of course. But in my view, the historical evidence supports Oliver.

Consider what Oliver himself wrote about his sense of responsibility. The following is an excerpt from the Preface to my book, The Editors: Joseph, William, and Don Carlos Smith:

"One important lesson was expressed by Oliver Cowdery. When he announced his resignation from the Messenger and Advocate in August 1837, he wrote:

"a man is responsible to God for all he writes. If his communications are not according to the truths of heaven, men may follow incorrect principles, and digress, step after step from the straight path, till arguments, persuasions and facts, are as unheeded as the idle vision, when darkness and death rivet their destructive chains to be beaten off no more.

"When this last reflection rises in the mind, the heart almost sinks within this bosom, lest in consequence of some darkness over the intellect, or some deep anxiety and concern, occasioned by inevitable and irresistable pecuniary embarrassment, I may have dropped an item, or left unintelligible some important fact, which has occasioned an incorrect understanding on matters of eternal life."

Contrast Oliver's statement of responsibility with the efforts of the M2C/SITH scholars who teach that Oliver Cowdery intentionally misled everyone about the origin and setting of the Book of Mormon.
______________________

Consider what is going on here. M2C directly contradicts Oliver Cowdery's unambiguous declaration that the final wars of the Nephites and Jaredites took place in western New York. Therefore, according to the M2C scholars, Letter VII cannot be true. Their ongoing effort to undermine the credibility and reliability of Oliver Cowdery has only one purpose: to defend their ideological fixation on the Mesoamerican theory of Book of Mormon geography.

They go on to insist that Joseph Smith passively adopted Cowdery's speculation when he had his scribes copy Letter VII into his journal, saw Letter VII republished multiple times, and referred to Cumorah (and Moroni) in D&C 128.

Here are more facts to consider. 
- Oliver Cowdery was the principal scribe of the Restoration. 
- He wrote in his own handwriting most of the Book of Mormon (twice) and much of the D&C and PoGP. 
- He was the only witness besides Joseph Smith of the restoration of the Priesthood, the restoration of temple keys, and much more. 
- He met both Nephi and Moroni and he described his visits to the repository of Nephite records in the Hill Cumorah.
- He published the first detailed Church history with the assistance of Joseph Smith and kept other essential records. 
- He was called by revelation to print Church materials, select and write books for Church schools, and to "copy, correct, and select" materials for Church publications. [D&C 55, 57, 68, 104]
- He reiterated his testimony and experiences with Joseph Smith translating the plates.
_______________

Oliver published all of his letters about Church history, including Letter VII, when he was working at the Messenger and Advocate and felt the responsibility he described above. Some have criticized the letters as too verbose, but when we see what Oliver was thinking--that he feared dropping an item or leaving an important fact unintelligible--we can better understand why he tried to be as specific and comprehensive as possible. 

For the first 100 years of Church history, Oliver's writings were sufficiently clear and understandable that there was no confusion about the location of Cumorah. 

Starting in the late 1800s, though, a couple of RLDS scholars began digressing from what was clearly expressed by Oliver and fully endorsed by Joseph Smith. Eventually a handful of LDS scholars adopted this view, promoted the idea that the New York Cumorah was a false tradition, and developed an elaborate theory to justify their repudiation of what Oliver explained.

Now, in 2024, we have LDS scholars who claim Oliver Cowdery disguised his speculation as facts. One wonders how much more explicit and clear Oliver could have been, or what more Joseph could have done to endorse what Oliver wrote. Remember, Letter VII was widely--probably universally--known and accepted among Church members during Joseph's lifetime.

As members of the Church read Letter VII and ponder its validity, I hope they keep in mind what the author himself wrote about his duty, his intentions, and his aspirations. 

Oliver discharged his responsibilities very well. Not only in writing the entire Book of Mormon, twice, in his own handwriting, and not only in recording what is now the Book of Moses and many of the original revelations, and not only in all the other work he did in publishing, but also in writing and publishing the eight letters, including Letter VII.

When assessing Oliver's credibility and reliability, readers of Letter VII should also consider the life Oliver led and his reputation as a well-respected lawyer.

_____________

In November 2013, the BYU Law School unveiled the painting of Oliver Cowdery that appears at the beginning of this blog. An article on the Church website discusses the event and some of Oliver's life events and reputation. The following are edited extracts from the article.

Elder Steven E. Snow of the Seventy, Church Historian and Recorder, noted that Oliver died of tuberculosis in Richmond, Missouri, before he could join the Saints in Utah. He had gone there to persuade David Whitmer to join him.

“We can only wonder what great accomplishments he might have given … had he survived to an older age,” Elder Snow said.

“Certainly in the early days of the Church there was no closer confidant to the Prophet Joseph Smith than Oliver,” he said. “He was next in authority only to Joseph and was present at many of the critical events in the Restoration of the gospel.”

In addition to being one of the Three Witnesses, he was present during the restoration of the Aaronic and Melchizedek Priesthoods and “during those marvelous manifestations at the Kirtland Temple,” Elder Snow noted.

“There are many great LDS attorneys, and Oliver Cowdery was the first LDS attorney, so it just makes sense that his portrait will hang here in this school.”

Church historians have studied Oliver's life and law practice. Oliver was excommunicated on charges he disputed, yet he never became antagonistic toward the Church.

Attorney Jeffrey N. Walker, adjunct faculty member at the school and a senior adviser and volume editor for the Joseph Smith Papers Project of the Church History Department, noted that “He had beautiful handwriting. We ended up scanning almost 2,500 pages of his law practice. Since then we’ve been back three other times, and we now have over 15,000 pages of the law practice in Tiffin as we try to put together exactly how he practiced law.

“What we found was that he was a very clever, smart, and capable lawyer, one very prominently recognized in the community and that was well-respected among his own colleagues of lawyers.”

In the end, when he went to Winter Quarters to seek readmission to the Church, Oliver said, “I feel that I can honorably return. I sustained an honorable character before the world during my absence from you,” Brother Walker recounted.

John W. Welch, BYU J. Reuben Clark Law School professor, said, “We will all be better lawyers if we seek to emulate Oliver’s sensitivities and legal skills.”

He mentioned 10 of those skills, including accuracy, an understanding of authority, an acute and analytical mind, forensic (debate) skills, tolerance for the views of others, legal resourcefulness, his character as justice of the peace, his putting of family first in making difficult decisions, his sense of timing, and his knowledge of the importance of witnesses, affidavits, and testimony under oath.


________________

In his letters, Oliver was careful to distinguish between fact and speculation. 

For example, he speculated about how deep Moroni originally buried the plates. But he said it was a fact that the Nephites and Jaredites fought their final battles in the valley west of the Hill Cumorah in New York.

On one hand, we have Oliver Cowdery as one of the Three Witnesses, whose entire life demonstrated his knowledge of the importance of witnesses, who wrote Letter VII under a sense of deep responsibility to be accurate and truthful.

On the other hand, we have LDS scholars who, purely for ideological purposes, question Oliver's reliability and veracity on the important question of Cumorah.

For me, it's an easy choice.

What do you think?




Wednesday, December 4, 2024

Introduction to President Cowdery's essays on Church history

Many modern LDS scholars (particularly those at Scripture Central and the Interpreter) have rejected and repudiated (and in some cases ridiculed) what Oliver Cowdery reported in the essays on Church history he wrote in 1834-5.

You might wonder, Why do they reject what he wrote?

The answer is easy.

Because Oliver's essays, including several statements of fact, refute the basic premises of M2C and SITH.

Overall, it's fun to see modern scholars assume they know more about these events than Oliver Cowdery did.

_____

From time to time it is useful to review what Oliver wrote in the introduction.

That our narrative may be correct, and particularly the introduction, it is proper to inform our patrons, that our brother J. Smith Jr. has offered to assist us. Indeed, there are many items connected with the fore part of this subject that render his labor indispensible

With his labor and with authentic documents now in our possession, we hope to render this a pleasing and agreeable narrative, well worth the examination and perusal of the Saints.—

To do <​Justice to​> this subject will require time and space: we therefore ask the forbearance of our readears, assuring them that it shall be founded upon facts.


Note 28: 
One of the “authentic documents” Cowdery relied on may have been JS’s circa summer 1832 history. The volume that includes the 1832 history also includes letters copied in by Cowdery—meaning Cowdery had access to JS’s history—and passages of Cowdery’s letters appear to have been informed by the contents and even wording of JS’s earlier work. (See JS Letterbook 1, pp. 62–65, 89; see also Anderson, “Circumstantial Confirmation of the First Vision,” 394–398.)
Comprehensive Works CitedJS Letterbook 1 / Smith, Joseph. “Letter Book A,” 1832–1835. Joseph Smith Collection. CHL. MS 155, box 2, fd. 1.Anderson, Richard Lloyd. “Circumstantial Confirmation of the First Vision through Reminiscences.” BYU Studies 9 (Spring 1969): 373–404.

_____

Other "authentic documents" Oliver may have used could include original copies of revelations that are no longer extant, Oliver's own notebook of what Joseph told him during their time together in Harmony and Fayette, letters to and from David Whitmer when Oliver lived in Harmony, other correspondence, etc.

Overall, it's fun to see modern scholars assume they know more about these events than Oliver Cowdery did.

Monday, December 2, 2024

David Whitmer's account of the repository in Cumorah

The accounts of Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, and Wilford Woodruff about the repository of Nephite records in the Hill Cumorah in New York are fairly well known. 

Or at least they once were, back in the day when the Seminary/Institute manuals and Church history books included the accounts. 

If you're unaware of what I'm talking about, go here:

https://www.mobom.org/mormons-depository 

Other accounts are less well known.

This one was from David Whitmer, as told to Edward Stevenson.

... It was likewise stated to me by David Whitmer in the year 1877 that Oliver Cowdery told him that the Prophet Joseph and himself had seen this room [in the Hill Cumorah] and that it was filled with treasure, and on a table therein were the breastplate and the sword of Laban, as well as the portion of gold plates not yet translated, and that these plates were bound by three small gold rings, and would also be translated, as was the first portion in the days of Joseph. 

When they are translated much useful information will be brought to light. 

But till that day arrives, no Rochester adventurers shall ever see them or the treasures, although science and mineral rods testify that they are there.

Edward Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet and the Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon (Salt Lake City: Edward Stevenson, 1893), 15.

Friday, November 22, 2024

Ether 5 answers questions

Ether 5 is short but significant. Moroni explains that Joseph needed the plates to translate (i.e., he didn't use SITH--the stone-in-the-hat) and explains the Three Witnesses would testify about the abridged plates.

Original in blue, my comments in red.

Chapter 5

1 And now I, Moroni, have written the words which were commanded me, according to my memory; and I have told you the things which I have sealed up; 

In the previous chapter, Moroni explained that he sealed up his record and the interpreters. When he visited Joseph Smith the first time, he stated that the record was "written and deposited not far from" Joseph's home near Palmyra. Moroni explained in the Title Page that the plates he deposited consisted of abridgments of the record of the Nephites and the record of the people of Jared.

therefore touch them not in order that ye may translate; for that thing is forbidden you, except by and by it shall be wisdom in God.

Here Moroni warned Joseph against translating the sealed plates. The warning would be superfluous if Joseph wasn't touching the plates as he translated them; i.e., if Joseph was merely reading words off a stone in a hat, there was no need for Moroni to warn him against touching the sealed plates to translate them.

2 And behold, ye may be privileged that ye may show the plates unto those who shall assist to bring forth this work;

Several people assisted "to bring forth this work" who were not witnesses of the plates. In the next sentence, Moroni clarifies that he was referring to the future Three Witnesses, including David Whitmer, who was not a scribe but who did "assist to bring forth this work" by bringing Joseph and Oliver to Fayette from Harmony and by accommodating them at the Whitmer home.

3 And unto three shall they be shown by the power of God; wherefore they shall know of a surety that these things are true.

The Three Witnesses would be shown the plates "by the power of God," which distinguishes them from the Eight Witnesses who saw and handled a set of plates in a natural manner; i.e., Joseph just handed a set of plates to the Eight Witnesses. They handled and hefted the plates but did not say there was any sealed portion. That suggests they handled the original plates of Nephi, not the abridged plates from Moroni's stone box.

The Three Witnesses said they saw the engravings on the plates as part of their testimony. The 1834 book Mormonism Unvailed made the obvious point that if Joseph produced the text by reading the words off the stone-in-the-hat without referring to the plates themselves, the testimony of the witnesses about the plates was pointless because Joseph supposedly didn't use them anyway. 

Furthermore, the Three Witnesses were not shown the "seer stone" or "peep stone" that the SITH sayers claim Joseph used.

4 And in the mouth of three witnesses shall these things be established; 

The Title Page explains the record in Moroni's stone box was an abridgment of those records. The testimony of the Three Witnesses parallels the Title Page. They claimed they "have seen the plates which contain this record, which is a record of the people of Nephi, and also of the Lamanites, their brethren, and also of the people of Jared." This corroborates the idea that the Three Witnesses saw the abridged plates.

and the testimony of three, and this work, in the which shall be shown forth the power of God and also his word, of which the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost bear record—and all this shall stand as a testimony against the world at the last day.

5 And if it so be that they repent and come unto the Father in the name of Jesus, they shall be received into the kingdom of God.

 6 And now, if I have no authority for these things, judge ye; for ye shall know that I have authority when ye shall see me, and we shall stand before God at the last day. Amen.

(Ether 5–5:6)

_____

It's interesting that Nephi, too, spoke about Three Witnesses.

12 Wherefore, at that day when the book shall be delivered unto the man of whom I have spoken, the book shall be hid from the eyes of the world, that the eyes of none shall behold it save it be that three witnesses shall behold it, by the power of God, besides him to whom the book shall be delivered; and they shall testify to the truth of the book and the things therein. (2 Nephi 27:12)

Nephi explained that three witnesses would behold "the book." He did not write "this book." Yet Nephi's record is in the current Book of Mormon. How does that work?

The simple explanation is that the "original Book of Mormon," as Joseph Smith referred to it, included only the abridged plates. That was "the book" Nephi referred to. Nephi's prophecy about "the book" does accommodate the two separate sets of plates that Joseph translated, however.

The Title Page makes it clear that the plates that Moroni put in the stone box consisted of the two abridged records, plus Moroni's personal writings that he included to "seal" the record. The Title Page says nothing about any original plates, apart from Moroni's writings.

Joseph Smith translated the abridged plates in Harmony, PA, in 1828 and 1829.

These abridged plates included the Book of Lehi that was among the 116 pages that Joseph translated in 1828 but that Martin Harris lost.

To replace the lost material, the Lord told Joseph "you shall translate the engravings which are on the plates of Nephi (Doctrine and Covenants 10:41). But at that point, while living in Harmony, PA, Joseph had only the abridged plates from Moroni's stone box. He didn't have the "engravings which are on the plates of Nephi." He did not get the original plates of Nephi until the messenger brought them from Cumorah to Fayette.

[Note: for a diagram of the two sets of plates, see https://www.lettervii.com/p/the-two-sets-of-plates-schematic.html]

13 And there is none other which shall view it, save it be a few according to the will of God, to bear testimony of his word unto the children of men; for the Lord God hath said that the words of the faithful should speak as if it were from the dead.

This passage--"save it be a few"--is often thought to refer to the Eight Witnesses. Maybe so. But maybe not. It might instead refer to others who saw the abridged plates, such as Josiah Stowell, who testified he saw the plates when Joseph handed them through the window and part of the cloth slid off.

Nephi made a distinction between the "three witnesses" and the "few." The "three witnesses" would behold the book "by the power of God" and "testify to the truth of the book and the things therein." 

In their testimony, the Three Witnesses began by explaining that they saw the plates "which contain this record, which is a record of the people of Nephi, and also of the Lamanites, their brethren, and also of the people of Jared." That language parallels the Title Page, although they didn't specifically distinguish between the abridged plates and the original plates of Nephi.

The Three Witnesses fulfilled Nephi's prophecy when they declared that "they have been shown unto us by the power of God, and not of man," and that "we also know that they have been translated by the gift and power of God, for his voice hath declared it unto us; wherefore we know of a surety that the work is true."

By contrast, the Eight Witnesses did not claim to behold the book "by the power of God," nor did they "testify to the truth of the book and the things therein." Instead, they simply claimed that Joseph Smith showed them the plates and they saw "the engravings thereon." Thus, they did not comply with Nephi's prophecy.

But that's not a problem when we distinguish between the two groups of witnesses.

The distinction between the Three and Eight Witnesses is clearer when we reconsider the punctuation of the passage.

As we know, there was no punctuation on the Original Manuscript (OM). The OM for 2 Nephi 27 is not extant, but we infer there was no original punctuation because the rest of the OM lacks punctuation.

If the reference to "a few" is punctuated as a parenthetical, it becomes apparent that the Three Witnesses would behold the book "by the power of God" and they would testify formally unto the children of men, but that "a few" would not have that responsibility to testify. This would include Josiah Stowell and perhaps others we don't have a record of.

the eyes of none shall behold it save it be that three witnesses shall behold it, by the power of God, besides him to whom the book shall be delivered; and they shall testify to the truth of the book and the things therein (And there is none other which shall view it, save it be a few according to the will of God) to bear testimony of his word unto the children of men;

This punctuation leaves open the status of the Eight Witnesses (and Mary Whitmer), who did not fulfill Nephi's prophecy. But that makes sense if they did not see the abridged plates that Nephi prophesied about, but instead saw the original plates of Nephi (the "small plates") which Joseph translated in Fayette (and not in Harmony, where he translated the abridged plates). 

The testimony of the Eight Witnesses does fit within verse 14, in which Nephi offers a more loose or expansive accommodation of additional witnesses.

14 Wherefore, the Lord God will proceed to bring forth the words of the book; and in the mouth of as many witnesses as seemeth him good will he establish his word; and wo be unto him that rejecteth the word of God!

Although they did not fulfill Nephi's specific prophecy from verse 12-13, the Eight Witnesses did "establish his word" by verifying that Joseph did have plates with engravings "all of which has the appearance of ancient work, and of curious workmanship." 

We can't tell whether Nephi saw in vision that Martin Harris would lose the translation of the Book of Lehi, and that his own writings would be added to the book as a replacement, pursuant to D&C 10. But we can see that in verse 14, Nephi recognized that God could provide as many witnesses as he wanted to "establish his word," even if they did not see the abridged plates "by the power of God."

  

Tuesday, November 12, 2024

Detroit anciently

This outstanding website discusses the antiquities in and around Detroit, Michigan, most of which have been long since destroyed.

https://detroiturbanism.blogspot.com/2015/12/the-mound-builders.html?m=1

Because so many websites become delisted, and because even archive.org has been down at times, I'm posting the entire webpage here for archival purposes.

A key excerpt from the webpage explains a significant legal development:

"Countless incidents like this led to the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) of 1990. NAGPRA requires institutions that receive federal funds to inventory the Native American human remains and associated funerary objects in their possession, and to return them to descendants or associated tribes. Because institutions clung to their holdings when a definitive tribal affiliation could not be determined, the law was strengthened in 2010. NAGPRA now allows a tribal nation to claim culturally unidentified human remains if they were removed from an area historically occupied by the tribe."

In recent months, museums around the United States have removed artifacts from Ancient American civilizations in response to the 2010 amendments to NAGPRA and accompanying regulatory interpretations. 

I visited many of these museums in the past few years and I will post photos I've taken of these exhibits on mobom.org in coming weeks.

Archived website:

Detroit Urban History

Monday, December 21, 2015

The Mound Builders

This is the first post of my new blog, Detroit Urbanism. This site is for people who feel compelled to understand why the human-built environment in which we live our lives in and around Detroit is the way it is. These posts will be about the ways history shapes our street grid, municipal boundaries, place names, maps, and architecture. These are the marks the past leaves upon our landscape, and this blog is my attempt to understand how and why. Let me start at the beginning...


* * * * *


What is the oldest human-made structure in Detroit? Many people would say it's the Charles Trowbridge Residence, or possibly the James Smith Log House. But couldn't you say it's the burial mound located on the grounds of Detroit's Historic Fort Wayne? Human remains more than one thousand years old were removed from the mound in the 1940s. But this earthwork of sand and topsoil may not fully be what it appears.

The oldest burials at this site date to the Late Woodland Period. It was originally constructed at a time when the Hopewell civilization of the American Midwest was rapidly increasing in size. People were turning away from nomadism and toward a way of living centered around farms and cities. The most prominent urban center of this civilization was the city of Cahokia, located east of what is now St. Louis. In the 13th century, Cahokia reached a population as high as 40,000--larger than the city of London at the time.

The monument at Fort Wayne was not alone. Before the 19th century, it was only one of several burial mounds built on a large sand hill that used to lie just north of the confluence of the Detroit and Rouge Rivers. The hill was about 300 yards wide, nearly three quarters of a mile long, and rose twenty-five feet above the shore. The French called this area "Belle Fontaine" because of the abundant freshwater springs that gushed from the side of the hill. The British called it "Spring Wells". The name was retained by the Americans when the area was incorporated as Springwells Township in 1818.

At least three burial mounds were built on the sand hill at Springwells. Farthest to the southwest was the Fort Wayne mound. On the northeast end was the Copper Works Mound, so called because it was adjacent to a copper smelting operation. In between the two was the Central Mound. Northwest of the great sand hill was Carstens' Mound, also called the Circular Mound. Southwest of the sand hill was a mysterious circular enclosure called the Springwells Earthwork. Near the north bank of the Rouge River, about one half mile from the shore of the Detroit River, was the Great Mound of the River Rouge.

It was well known to the early French settlers that the sand hill at Springwells was a burial ground. Although the mounds were started by a lost civilization distinct from any culture known to early Detroiters, tribal nations in the early nineteenth century adapted the site to their own burial customs. Benjamin Whitherell, who came to Detroit in 1808, recalled:
In my childhood I have seen the children of the wilderness deposit the remains of their departed friends in [the hill's] bosom. They scooped out a shallow grave in the center of the top of the mound, and covered the body with some sand, brought from the neighboring sand-bank....

At different times the Sacs, Sioux, Foxes, Winnebagoes, Menominees, Iowas, Wyandottes, Pottawattomies, Chippewas, Tawas, and other tribes, congregated at this favorite spot, and made the night hideous with discordant yells. Here they held their war and medicine dances, and all sort of wabe-nos. Their music was the monotonous sound of the rude drum, beaten with unvarying stroke, for many hours together, frequently all the night long. It was done to drive the evil spirit off, and sometimes indicated that a warrior was laid in his grave....


The Sand Hill Mounds

Whitherell described the three mounds on the sand hill as being roughly the same size: about ten feet tall and thirty feet in diameter. He estimated the Fort Wayne Mound to be the oldest, as it was covered with large oak trees in his his earliest memories. The Central Mound was covered with smaller oaks. The Copper Works Mound, however "was of a more recent date, and on it was neither tree nor shrub."

These mounds were being pillaged at least as early as 1817. That year, Samuel Brown published The Western Gazetteer; Or Emigrant's Directory, in which he stated that one of the mounds had been partially excavated, and that "bones, stone-axes, arrow-heads &c. were found in abundance." Thomas McKenney, the U.S. Superintendent of Indian Affairs, came to Detroit and visited the mounds on June 19, 1826. The monuments were rapidly deteriorating even then:
There appears to have been three of them, but only one retains much of its original conical figure, and this, like the other two, is fast finding its level. A principal cause of the mounds wasting away, is, the cattle go upon them to get into the cooler, fresher air, which blows upon them from the river, near the shore of which they are--and to get rid of the flies. The soil being light and sandy, is kept stirred by them, and the rains wash it off. Hence the exposure of human bones from time to time, as the several layers, or strata, are reached; for they appear to have been buried at different depths, and upon one another. I picked up some ribs, a bit of an os frontis, a piece of vertebrae, but all in a state of decay, so much so, that they crumbled at the touch.

John T. Blois, in his Gazetteer of the State of Michigan, documented his excavation of the Central Mound in the spring of 1837. He reported that the mound was eight feet high, and its surface contained fragments of pottery, bone and teeth. Two and a half feet below the surface he found six skeletons buried among arrowheads, stone axes, and other implements. Closer to the base of the mound he unearthed six additional skeletons, all buried in kneeling postures, facing north, and each holding a large clay vessel. Among burials were found tools and jewelry made from stone, quartz, animal bones, and sea shells.

Naturalist and historian Bela Hubbard, who came to Detroit in 1835 at the age of twenty-one, wrote in Memorials of Half a Century that one of the mounds (probably the Copper Works Mound) had already been ruined by the time he first saw the site. The Central Mound remained ten feet high with a diameter of forty feet, "though injured by pilferers of Indian relics." It was rapidly being leveled by excavations for gravel and clay for the Springwells brick yards. "On and around this spot," he wrote, "for the extent of an acre, were thickly strewn bones and broken pottery, mingled with shell beads, stone knives and arrow-points."

In an odd twist, the need for a new fort at Detroit would doom one of the remaining sand hill mounds but help preserve the other. In 1815, Duncan McArthur, Commander of the Army of the Northwest, wrote to Secretary of War James Monroe: "In my humble opinion, the Fort at Detroit should be destroyed and a strong picketted work erected at Spring Well." The sand hill was an ideal site, being on high ground, at the only bend in the Detroit River, and at the river's narrowest point. Fort Wayne was finally constructed in the 1840s, laying waste to the Central Mound in the process. In 1965, archaeologists excavating the north glacis of the fort discovered some fragments of prehistoric artifacts and human bone, and concluded that material from the ruined mound was used in constructing the embankment.


The Fort Wayne Mound

Hubbard remembered the Fort Wayne Mound in the 1830s was six feet tall and covered with trees. For a time its position on government land kept is safe from both archaeologists and real estate developers. The fort's officers quarters were simply built alongside it.

The mound would not be safe forever. Ethnologist Henry Gillman received permission from the War Department to open it in late 1875 and began an excavation with the Detroit Scientific Association on May 22, 1876. His report noted that the mound remained about five feet tall, and that it had been sodded six years prior in order to prevent further erosion. Gillman's team cut a seven foot wide trench through the center of the mound running east to west, then ran two additional trenches from the center to the south and north. The excavation yielded the usual items--human bones, pottery, stone and quartz tools, etc. At what was believed to be the center of the mound, Gillman discovered a clay urn that contained cremated human remains, a copper knife, and two seashells. In all he recovered sixteen burials.

The Springwells Mound Group.
From The Mound-Builders and Platycnemism in Michigan, by Henry Gillman

Around 1920, then-quartermaster of Fort Wayne, Franklin Lamb, was curious about the mound and decided to dig into it. This incident was revealed during a 1921 trial when Lamb was accused of arson at the fort. According to a March 19, 1921 story in the Detroit Free Press, Lamb reported his findings of "perfect specimens of Indian pottery, weapons and all sorts of utensils" to the war department, but received an order from the secretary of war to "restore the mound to its original condition," citing "an old treaty between the United States and the Indian tribes formerly located in Michigan" which dictated that "burying places and stores of the native found should not be disturbed." The article did not name the specific treaty referred to, and no other information about this event has been found.

Over the years, Gillman's and Lamb's excavations were forgotten, and all that were remembered were vague rumors of the mound being somehow related to human burials. In 1944, the fort's commandant, Col. Harry Adamson, requested and received permission to determine exactly what the mound was. (By then it was being been used as a children's playground.) The excavation began on July 1, 1944 by the Aboriginal Research Club of Detroit, a group organized in 1935 by artifact collectors, and loosely affiliated with the University of Michigan. Their excavation began at the sidewalk that cuts through the base of the mound on its north side, and they soon discovered fragments of bone, pottery, and stone tools.


Original:

Monday, December 21, 2015

The Mound Builders

This is the first post of my new blog, Detroit Urbanism. This site is for people who feel compelled to understand why the human-built environment in which we live our lives in and around Detroit is the way it is. These posts will be about the ways history shapes our street grid, municipal boundaries, place names, maps, and architecture. These are the marks the past leaves upon our landscape, and this blog is my attempt to understand how and why. Let me start at the beginning...

* * * * *

What is the oldest human-made structure in Detroit? Many people would say it's the Charles Trowbridge Residence, or possibly the James Smith Log House. But couldn't you say it's the burial mound located on the grounds of Detroit's Historic Fort Wayne? Human remains more than one thousand years old were removed from the mound in the 1940s. But this earthwork of sand and topsoil may not fully be what it appears.


The Fort Wayne Mound.
Photo courtesy Timothy Boscarino, City of Detroit Legislative Policy Division.

The oldest burials at this site date to the Late Woodland Period. It was originally constructed at a time when the Hopewell civilization of the American Midwest was rapidly increasing in size. People were turning away from nomadism and toward a way of living centered around farms and cities. The most prominent urban center of this civilization was the city of Cahokia, located east of what is now St. Louis. In the 13th century, Cahokia reached a population as high as 40,000--larger than the city of London at the time.

The monument at Fort Wayne was not alone. Before the 19th century, it was only one of several burial mounds built on a large sand hill that used to lie just north of the confluence of the Detroit and Rouge Rivers. The hill was about 300 yards wide, nearly three quarters of a mile long, and rose twenty-five feet above the shore. The French called this area "Belle Fontaine" because of the abundant freshwater springs that gushed from the side of the hill. The British called it "Spring Wells". The name was retained by the Americans when the area was incorporated as Springwells Township in 1818.

At least three burial mounds were built on the sand hill at Springwells. Farthest to the southwest was the Fort Wayne mound. On the northeast end was the Copper Works Mound, so called because it was adjacent to a copper smelting operation. In between the two was the Central Mound. Northwest of the great sand hill was Carstens' Mound, also called the Circular Mound. Southwest of the sand hill was a mysterious circular enclosure called the Springwells Earthwork. Near the north bank of the Rouge River, about one half mile from the shore of the Detroit River, was the Great Mound of the River Rouge.


The Springwells Mound Group.

It was well known to the early French settlers that the sand hill at Springwells was a burial ground. Although the mounds were started by a lost civilization distinct from any culture known to early Detroiters, tribal nations in the early nineteenth century adapted the site to their own burial customs. Benjamin Whitherell, who came to Detroit in 1808, recalled:
In my childhood I have seen the children of the wilderness deposit the remains of their departed friends in [the hill's] bosom. They scooped out a shallow grave in the center of the top of the mound, and covered the body with some sand, brought from the neighboring sand-bank....

At different times the Sacs, Sioux, Foxes, Winnebagoes, Menominees, Iowas, Wyandottes, Pottawattomies, Chippewas, Tawas, and other tribes, congregated at this favorite spot, and made the night hideous with discordant yells. Here they held their war and medicine dances, and all sort of wabe-nos. Their music was the monotonous sound of the rude drum, beaten with unvarying stroke, for many hours together, frequently all the night long. It was done to drive the evil spirit off, and sometimes indicated that a warrior was laid in his grave....


The Sand Hill Mounds


Whitherell described the three mounds on the sand hill as being roughly the same size: about ten feet tall and thirty feet in diameter. He estimated the Fort Wayne Mound to be the oldest, as it was covered with large oak trees in his his earliest memories. The Central Mound was covered with smaller oaks. The Copper Works Mound, however "was of a more recent date, and on it was neither tree nor shrub."


The sand hill at Springwells.
From a map of Springwells Township by J. N. Macomb and W. H. Warner, 1841.
Image courtesy Commonwealth Cultural Resources Group, Inc.

These mounds were being pillaged at least as early as 1817. That year, Samuel Brown published The Western Gazetteer; Or Emigrant's Directory, in which he stated that one of the mounds had been partially excavated, and that "bones, stone-axes, arrow-heads &c. were found in abundance." Thomas McKenney, the U.S. Superintendent of Indian Affairs, came to Detroit and visited the mounds on June 19, 1826. The monuments were rapidly deteriorating even then:
There appears to have been three of them, but only one retains much of its original conical figure, and this, like the other two, is fast finding its level. A principal cause of the mounds wasting away, is, the cattle go upon them to get into the cooler, fresher air, which blows upon them from the river, near the shore of which they are--and to get rid of the flies. The soil being light and sandy, is kept stirred by them, and the rains wash it off. Hence the exposure of human bones from time to time, as the several layers, or strata, are reached; for they appear to have been buried at different depths, and upon one another. I picked up some ribs, a bit of an os frontis, a piece of vertebrae, but all in a state of decay, so much so, that they crumbled at the touch.

John T. Blois, in his Gazetteer of the State of Michigan, documented his excavation of the Central Mound in the spring of 1837. He reported that the mound was eight feet high, and its surface contained fragments of pottery, bone and teeth. Two and a half feet below the surface he found six skeletons buried among arrowheads, stone axes, and other implements. Closer to the base of the mound he unearthed six additional skeletons, all buried in kneeling postures, facing north, and each holding a large clay vessel. Among burials were found tools and jewelry made from stone, quartz, animal bones, and sea shells.


A diorama of a burial mound in Ohio. (Source.)

Naturalist and historian Bela Hubbard, who came to Detroit in 1835 at the age of twenty-one, wrote in Memorials of Half a Century that one of the mounds (probably the Copper Works Mound) had already been ruined by the time he first saw the site. The Central Mound remained ten feet high with a diameter of forty feet, "though injured by pilferers of Indian relics." It was rapidly being leveled by excavations for gravel and clay for the Springwells brick yards. "On and around this spot," he wrote, "for the extent of an acre, were thickly strewn bones and broken pottery, mingled with shell beads, stone knives and arrow-points."

In an odd twist, the need for a new fort at Detroit would doom one of the remaining sand hill mounds but help preserve the other. In 1815, Duncan McArthur, Commander of the Army of the Northwest, wrote to Secretary of War James Monroe: "In my humble opinion, the Fort at Detroit should be destroyed and a strong picketted work erected at Spring Well." The sand hill was an ideal site, being on high ground, at the only bend in the Detroit River, and at the river's narrowest point. Fort Wayne was finally constructed in the 1840s, laying waste to the Central Mound in the process. In 1965, archaeologists excavating the north glacis of the fort discovered some fragments of prehistoric artifacts and human bone, and concluded that material from the ruined mound was used in constructing the embankment.


The Fort Wayne Mound


Hubbard remembered the Fort Wayne Mound in the 1830s was six feet tall and covered with trees. For a time its position on government land kept is safe from both archaeologists and real estate developers. The fort's officers quarters were simply built alongside it.


Undated photo of the Fort Wayne Mound in front of Officers' Row.
Image courtesy Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public Library.
 (Source.)

The mound would not be safe forever. Ethnologist Henry Gillman received permission from the War Department to open it in late 1875 and began an excavation with the Detroit Scientific Association on May 22, 1876. His report noted that the mound remained about five feet tall, and that it had been sodded six years prior in order to prevent further erosion. Gillman's team cut a seven foot wide trench through the center of the mound running east to west, then ran two additional trenches from the center to the south and north. The excavation yielded the usual items--human bones, pottery, stone and quartz tools, etc. At what was believed to be the center of the mound, Gillman discovered a clay urn that contained cremated human remains, a copper knife, and two seashells. In all he recovered sixteen burials.


The Springwells Mound Group.
From 
The Mound-Builders and Platycnemism in Michigan, by Henry Gillman

Around 1920, then-quartermaster of Fort Wayne, Franklin Lamb, was curious about the mound and decided to dig into it. This incident was revealed during a 1921 trial when Lamb was accused of arson at the fort. According to a March 19, 1921 story in the Detroit Free Press, Lamb reported his findings of "perfect specimens of Indian pottery, weapons and all sorts of utensils" to the war department, but received an order from the secretary of war to "restore the mound to its original condition," citing "an old treaty between the United States and the Indian tribes formerly located in Michigan" which dictated that "burying places and stores of the native found should not be disturbed." The article did not name the specific treaty referred to, and no other information about this event has been found.

Over the years, Gillman's and Lamb's excavations were forgotten, and all that were remembered were vague rumors of the mound being somehow related to human burials. In 1944, the fort's commandant, Col. Harry Adamson, requested and received permission to determine exactly what the mound was. (By then it was being been used as a children's playground.) The excavation began on July 1, 1944 by the Aboriginal Research Club of Detroit, a group organized in 1935 by artifact collectors, and loosely affiliated with the University of Michigan. Their excavation began at the sidewalk that cuts through the base of the mound on its north side, and they soon discovered fragments of bone, pottery, and stone tools.


Excerpt from the Detroit Free Press, July 2, 1944.

Not long after their work began, Gillman's report was rediscovered, and the team's approach was altered. They would begin at the west end of the site and work their way east, almost completely excavating the entire mound. They worked through the summer and autumn of 1944, breaking for the winter. Work resumed on May 20, 1945 and again continued through the autumn. Every object and all human remains that were taken from the mound were handed over to the University of Michigan.


A clay vessel taken from the Fort Wayne Mound by Holmquist's team.
Image courtesy University of Michigan Museum of Anthropological Archaeology.

After the excavation was complete, the mound was "restored" with a bulldozer and steam shovel, and the final shape was touched up with hand tools. This work was completed on November 4, 1945. The sandy mound was later covered with topsoil and seeded to prevent erosion. The report by Carl E. Holmquist, president of the Aboriginal Research Club, notes that the site is "still...a burial mound" because "some human remains" were left beneath the sidewalk that skirts the northern side. Evidently he did not want to disturb the pavement.

If you visit the site today, you will see that a portion of this sidewalk has been removed. However, according to Historic Fort Wayne's manager, James Conway, the remains that were beneath the pavement were left intact.

A plan of Holmquist's 1944-45 excavation, also showing Gillman's 1876 trenches.
From 
The Springwells Mound Group of Wayne County, Michigan, by John R. Halsey,
published in 
Anthropological Papers No. 32, University of Michigan.


From The Springwells Mound Group of Wayne County, Michigan, by John R. Halsey,
published in 
Anthropological Papers No. 32, University of Michigan.

Between Gillman and Holmquist, approximately fifty human remains were taken from the Fort Wayne Mound. Some were flesh burials, others were buried as bundles of bones denuded of flesh. Among the skeletons whose sex could be identified, burial goods were only present with women. Women outnumbered men among those who died young, and men outnumbered women among those who died old. Researchers speculate that this is due to a combination of childbirth trauma and a division of labor that unfairly burdened women.

Radiocarbon dating was performed on some of the samples retrieved. Material from a "bundle" burial dated to the year 1159 A.D. A bone sample from an individual burial--a woman who had died at about the age of 18--dated to 750 A.D.



Carstens' Mound


John Henry Carstens was born in the German state of Holstein around 1820 and fled to the United States after the failed 1848 revolutions in Europe. He opened a saloon with outdoor recreation facilities across the road from Fort Wayne at the intersection of Jefferson Avenue and Crawford Street.


(Source.)

In the summer of 1870, workers dug into a sandy knoll on Carstens' property in order to set up a target practice area for the German Sharpshooters Society. In the process human remains and "Indian relics" were unearthed, and it was discovered that this hill was in fact another burial mound. Bela Hubbard and others referred to this site as "Carstens' Mound," but Henry Gillman called it the "Circular Mound."


Chipped stone projectile points taken from Carsten's Mound in 1870.
Image courtesy Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology.

Carstens removed twelve skeletons from the mound in addition to pottery, clay pipes, tools of stone and animal bone, a copper necklace, and a nine inch long copper awl. Mr. Carstens put these items out on display at his beer garden.


Copper beads taken from Carstens' Mound in 1870.
Image courtesy Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology.

Around 2008, archaeologists from Commonwealth Cultural Resources Group, Inc. of Jackson, conducting an archaeological impact study for the Detroit Riverfront International Crossing, attempted to find some trace of the mound. They excavated the area where it was believed to have been, but no evidence of prehistoric artifacts was discovered. (Their very interesting reports can be read here: Part 1 | Part 2)



The Springwells Earthwork


Southwest of the great sand hill was an expansive marsh, in the middle of which was several acres of dry land adjacent to the Detroit River. On this land was a circular enclosure standing between three and four feet tall and encompassing about an acre and a half. Brown's 1817 Western Gazetteer describes it as "the remains of an ancient fortification", although it was probably not used for defensive purposes. Blois and Hubbard also described this earthwork, noting that an opening faced the Detroit River, and that two straight parallel embankments a few feet apart had been built over the marsh to connect this land to the sand hill. Hubbard wrote that the earthwork was not haphazardly formed, remarking instead that "the regularity of the work marks it as one of studied design."


The Springwells Earthwork.
From
 Memorials of a Half-Century by Bela Hubbard.

In 1889, a writer for the Detroit Free Press noted that the Springwells Earthwork was still in a "tolerably good state of preservation," and might be an interesting attraction for attendees of the nearby Detroit International Exposition (Free Press, 20 Oct 1889). But in 1903, the Detroit Edison Company purchased this land in order to construct a power plant. If any remnant of the earthwork existed at that time, it was certainly wiped out by the excavation for the building's foundation. The photo below shows this site from the southwest looking northeast in 1898. The structure on the river appears to be a boathouse on land owned by George Webber adjacent to the fort. One of the clusters of trees pictured here might mark the location of the earthwork, as Hubbard noted that "ancient oaks and rambling grape-vines (were) its sole occupants" when he first visited it.


A cluster of trees likely mark the location of the Springwells Earthwork.
Image courtesy Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public Library
 (Source.)
Click here for a different photo of the same location.


Teams preparing to excavate for the foundation of a power house for Detroit Edison in 1903. The ancient Springwells Earthwork was probably razed at this time.
Image courtesy Detroit Historical Society. 
(Source.)




The Great Mound of the River Rouge


Dwarfing all other burial mounds in the vicinity was the massive Great Mound of the River Rouge, located in what is now Detroit's Delray neighborhood. Gillman estimated that it originally measured 200 feet wide by 300 feet long--covering more than an acre--and standing forty feet tall. But it may have been even larger. In researching this mound, Hubbard consulted longtime Delray resident Augustus D. Bordeno around 1885, and more than thirty years later archaeologist Harry L. Spooner interviewed Bordeno's son Louis. (Spooner's research appeared in a September 28, 1919 piece in the Detroit Free Press as well as an article in the Summer 1931 issue of Michigan History Magazine.) According to the Bordenos, the mound was a massive 400 feet wide and 800 feet long.


From Memorials of a Half-Century by Bela Hubbard.

Most of the mound sat on a ribbon farm designated Private Claim 718 after the United States took command of Detroit. The U.S. land patent was issued to John Askin, who died in 1815. Two years later his widow, Archange Askin, sold the farm to Cornelius Leonard Lenox, an African American former slave who came from Newton, Massachusetts with Michigan's first governor, William Hull. Lenox died in 1853, and his widow, Candis Lenox, sold the portion of the farm south Jefferson Avenue to James W. Sutton in 1860. The south two-thirds of this land was then sold to Henry Barns in 1864. Barns briefly operated the Detroit Improved Brick Company here before selling the property to the Detroit City Glass Works in 1868. The following year, the Detroit Free Press noted: "Flint arrow heads--Indian relics--are frequently found on the large sand mound at the River Rouge, near the glass works." (17 Oct 1869)


Image courtesy Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public Library. (Source)

According to Louis Bordeno, the parcel containing the mound came into the possession of "the Chase estate"--probably Elisha and Caroline Chase. Because the sand could be used to make mortar and served other building purposes, the Chases hired Augustus Bordeno and his son to dig down the mound, boat the sand up to the docks at Detroit, and sell it for 2½ cents per barrel. Louis Burdeno estimated conservatively that he and his father removed 1,300 skeletons from the burial mound. "When the diggers came to a skeleton," Spooner wrote, "they put it on a wheelbarrow, wheeled it to the [Rouge] river, and dumped it in." Perhaps some of these survived further decay, and now lie beneath several feet of river sediment. If the Bordenos' estimate of the mounds' size is correct, then it must have contained something like six million cubic feet of sand. Its desecration had to have taken place over many years by dozens of individuals. By the time Gillman and Hubbard wrote of the mound in the 1870s and 1880s, its height had been reduced to 20 feet. "For nearly half a century," Hubbard lamented, "portion after portion has been dug away and removed, by wagon load and boat load, and little notice taken of its contents, until now it is but a miniature of its former self.... [T]housands of fragments of human bones still lie bleaching on the sand."


The likely position and location of the Great Mound, shown here at 400 by 800 feet,
superimposed over an 1860 plat map of Wayne County.

The vast number of skeletons found within this mound is consistent with the practice of the Huron Feast of the Dead. The Huron / Wyandot people would gather every ten to fifteen years, disinterring relatives who had died since the last festival and bringing their bones, bundled in beaver furs, to a sacred communal burial site.


A 1724 depiction of a Huron Feast of the Dead.
From
 Moeurs des Sauvages Amériquains, by Joseph-François Lafitau.

Gillman made at least two excavations into the Great Mound, in 1869 and 1874. Hubbard was present during the one in 1874. These diggings showed that the mound began as a natural hill of gravel and sand perhaps ten feet high. The upper thirty feet were built up by human hands over the course of centuries. As each burial took place, more sand was brought from the banks of the river to pile it even higher. To imagine the dimensions described by the Bordenos, picture an area the size of the two segments of Grand Circus Park combined, covered by forty feet of sand, bearing in mind that the upper three-quarters of this volume was placed there by human hands.


Sand from the Great Mound, donated to Harvard University by Gillman in 1869.
Image courtesy Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology.


Clay vessel donated to Harvard University by Gillman in 1872,
from either the Great Mound of the River Rouge or Carsten's Mound.
Image courtesy Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology.

"Since the burrowings of the scientists," complained the Free Press, "the sand of which the mound is composed has been taken up by the wind and carried about. ... The drifting sand became a nuisance to the people in the vicinity, and the owner the other day gave two lots for the hauling off and leveling of the land." (28 Jul 1878) Even still, a fragment of the Great Mound persisted for another decade, just to the east of Private Claim 718. The final blow was yet to come.


The Great Exposition


In 1889, a group of prominent Detroiters gathered to plan an immense agricultural and industrial fair that they would call the Detroit International Exposition. At a meeting on March 18, 1889, the stockholders selected a portion of the former Moses W. Field farm--which contained a remnant of the Great Mound--to purchase for the event. The investors bought the 69.96 acres from James McMillan for $140,000, and hired the architecture firm of Scott, Kamper and Scott to design the grand exhibition hall, claimed to be the largest ever constructed for an international fair. It would open on September 17, 1889 and last ten days.


Illustration of the Detroit International Exposition grounds, exaggerated in size.
From 
Harper's Weekly magazine, August 17, 1889.

On May 9, 1889, the Free Press reported:
The excavators at work on the front end of the Field farm, the site of the exposition, yesterday unearthed the skeletons of a score of Indian braves, buried there in the days of Pontiac. An old knife and several strings of beads were among the find."
The property was open to the general public in the summer months before the official opening of the exposition. Visitors were openly encouraged to pillage what was left of the mound:
Many curiosity seekers searched the grounds for relics, of which there are continual finds since the recent opening by one of the excavators of a well-filled Indian burial mound, and it is reported that several of the seekers were rewarded by discoveries of more or less value. As the work of ditching and grading proceeds fresh relics are liable to be exhumed every day." (Free Press, 2 Jul 1889)
Also that year, four skeletons--two adults, one child, and one infant--unearthed from the site were given to an unnamed "local politician," who eventually donated them to the University of Michigan Museum of Anthropological Archaeology.


Another view of the Detroit International Exposition property, also exaggerated.
Image courtesy Detroit Historical Society.
 (Source.)

Casual weekend desecration of sacred burial sites was nothing new in Detroit. The sand hill at Springwells was a popular picnicking spot in the early 1800s, and the burial mounds were frequently hacked into by amateur treasure hunters. Thomas Palmer, writing of his childhood in Detroit in the 1830s, recalled:
"The banks [of the Detroit River] were covered with many Indian mounds, and my teachers used to take me down Saturdays often times to see them dig for Indian skeletons and the curios which had been buried with them. In my playhouse I had quite a collection of Indian heads which time had prepared for the museum or for jack-o'-lanterns."
Of course, one did not need to visit the Springwells Mounds to disrupt a burial ground in Detroit's early days. In the 1830s, according to Hubbard,
"It was hardly possible to dig a cellar or level a hillock without throwing out some memorial of the red races... To unearth a human skeleton was a common occurrence. They were thrown out by spade and plough, and sometimes were seen protruding from the soil where the action of the waves had broken into the land."

From Archaeological Atlas of Michigan, by Wilbert B. Hinsdale.

The Detroit International Exposition remained an annual event for several years. Before opening in 1890, it was reported that the walkways throughout the grounds would be less dusty than before because they were to be covered with the great quantity of fine gravel "found under the center of one axis of where formerly stood the great prehistoric Indian mound." (Free Press, 29 Jun 1890) The destruction of the Great Mound of the River Rouge was complete.

The exposition company's stockholders sold the land to the Solvay Process Company, a soda ash manufacturer, in 1895. In the decades that followed, the surrounding property became industrialized beyond the imagination of anyone who ever saw the Great Mound with their own eyes. Delray residents suffer from some of the worst air pollution in the state. Local commercial activities include coke storage, rock salt mining, steel production, oil refining, yard waste composting, and sewerage treatment.

Two years before the Detroit International Exposition, Hubbard described the Great Mound as a "most picturesque" resting place, surrounded by meadows and a commanding view of what then remained mostly countryside:
"Still, as of old, the warm sunshine rests upon this spot; the sparkling waters lave its base; the winds blow over it from the not distant lake, scattering the dust that once animated human forms. But the beings these cheered in the olden time have all perished from the land; their history is but a fading dream, and the proud pile which they created to immortalize their memory has nearly disappeared, and will soon have vanished altogether, in the progress of an unheeding and remorseless civilization."


The approximate location of the Great Mound of the River Rouge today.
Image courtesy Bing Maps.


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Desecration and Repatriation


It's an ugly fact of human history that when one group conquers another, the defeated nation is looted. Whether motivated by profit or by science, a colonialist mindset tends to rationalize the destruction of ancient burial grounds. Henry Gillman studied the early inhabitants of Detroit not as human beings equal to himself, but as an inferior "other"--a "lower" race. He noted a perforation in the skeletons' humeri, which in his words, "is most frequently met with in the negro race, has also been observed in the Indian, and, though not always present, is quite general in the apes, while it is seldom seen in the white races." In another paper he reiterates that this "Simian" or apelike characteristic, as he put it, "pertain in the largest degree to the lower races of man, while it is very rare or almost absent in the Caucasian." Regarding arm-to-leg ratios, Gillman claimed that a skeleton from the Fort Wayne Mound "approaches the simian proportions," citing "the greater length of the arm in the modern Indian and especially in the negro, as compared with the Whites." The sizes and shapes of the craniums were carefully recorded--the less they resembled the "dolichocephalic" shape of the Caucasian skulls, the more inferior they were deemed to be. Since Gillman, these remains have continued to be handled and stored in a dehumanizing manner.

In 1968, the University of Michigan loaned one of the skeletons taken from the Fort Wayne Mound to the museum that had since opened on the property. Native American activists asked that these human remains--tastelessly displayed in a glass case--be removed from public view. The museum eventually agreed to remove the exhibit, but shipped the bones back to the university rather than retun them to representatives of the Native American community. According to Survival and Regeneration: Detroit's American Indian Community by Edmund Jefferson Danziger, Jr., the University of Michigan ultimately relented, handing over two containers of human remains to Dean George of the North American Indian Association of Detroit in March of 1973. They were subsequently reinterred somewhere in Michigan.


From the Detroit Free Press, February 6, 1973.

Countless incidents like this led to the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) of 1990. NAGPRA requires institutions that receive federal funds to inventory the Native American human remains and associated funerary objects in their possession, and to return them to descendants or associated tribes. Because institutions clung to their holdings when a definitive tribal affiliation could not be determined, the law was strengthened in 2010. NAGPRA now allows a tribal nation to claim culturally unidentified human remains if they were removed from an area historically occupied by the tribe. In 1995, the Saginaw Chippewa Indian Tribe established the Nibokaan Ancestral Cemetery on their reservation by Mt. Pleasant specifically for human remains repatriated to them. The cemetery has since received and reburied hundreds of remains that had been unearthed from locations all over Michigan.


A repatriation ceremony at the Nibokaan Ancestral Cemetery, May 17, 2013.
Photo courtesy Marcella Hadden, Niibing Giizis Photography.

Some or all human remains taken from the Great Mound of the River Rouge and the Fort Wayne Mound by Gillman were donated to the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology at Harvard University. Gillman also purchased the items taken from Carstens' Mound and donated most or all of them to the same institution. The four skeletons given to the unnamed "local politician" taken from the Detroit International Exposition site ultimately ended up in the University of Michigan Museum of Anthropological Archaeology, as did the approximately twenty-four distinct burials and remains from eight burial pits from the Fort Wayne Mound retrieved by Holmquist. The whereabouts of all other human remains taken from the Springwells Mound Group--aside from the thousands thrown into Rouge River--may never be known.


A repatriation ceremony at the Nibokaan Ancestral Cemetery, November 18, 2014.
Photo courtesy Marcella Hadden, Niibing Giizis Photography.

Below are data obtained from the National Park Service's NAGPRA database of culturally unidentifiable Native American artifacts. The remains of some individuals are unaccounted for, as the minimum number of individuals (MNI) of the Peabody artifacts add up to only 27, even though more than that had been obtained by Gillman. The numbers of associated funerary objects (AFO) are also indicated.

InstitutionSiteAccession #Year AcquiredMNIAFO
Peabody MuseumRouge Mound Group69-31-10/22209.11869642
Peabody MuseumRouge Mound Group69-31-10/2217186910
Peabody MuseumRouge Mound Group72-7-101872100
Peabody MuseumRouge Mound Group72-7-10/4908187210
Peabody MuseumRouge Mound Group7-3-10/7120187380
Peabody MuseumRouge Mound Group85-28-10/38225188510
Univ. of MichiganExposition Grounds99(unknown)40
Univ. of MichiganFort Wayne Mound1629194529124
Source: http://grantsdev.cr.nps.gov/Nagpra/CUI/Institutions_Report_Input.cfm

According to the University of Michigan's NAGPRA Project Director, Dr. Ben Secunda, physical possession of the four sets of human remains from the Exposition Grounds site was transferred to thirteen tribes collectively on May 16, 2014. The tribes authorized members of the Nottawaseppi Huron Band of Potawatomi Indians to accept the remains on behalf of the group. Dr. Secunda told me via email that the remains taken from the Fort Wayne Mound "are under the legal control of the U.S. Army and the University is assisting them in completing some of their work required under the NAGPRA law and regulations." Consultations with local tribes regarding these and other remains are ongoing, and there is not yet a set date for their transfer.

The ancient earthworks that stood on the shores of the Detroit River for more than a millennium were needlessly destroyed by a society that did not think they were worth caring about. The one survivor among them was essentially fully excavated and simply piled up again, making it debatable whether it truly is the oldest human-made structure in Detroit. The remains of thousands of human beings were thrown into the river or kept as souvenirs. The handful that remain are currently kept by institutions that have already repatriated many ancestry remains. Some day soon, the last of the bones taken so unceremoniously from the mounds at Springwells will be returned to the earth from which they came.